Emmy Awards 2017: A Running List Of Winners And Nominees

Stephen Colbert hosts the 69th (nice!) Emmy Awards.

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CBS

The 2017 Emmy Awards will be broadcast Sunday on CBS starting at 8 p.m. EDT. NPR is live-tweeting the awards, and we’ll update this list with the winners over the course of the evening. (Winners, once announced, will appear in bold italics.)

Outstanding comedy series

  • “Atlanta” (FX)
  • Black-ish” (ABC)
  • “Master of None” (Netflix)
  • “Modern Family” (ABC)
  • “Silicon Valley” (HBO)
  • “Unbreakable Kimmy Schmidt” (Netflix)
  • “Veep” (HBO)

Outstanding drama series

  • “Better Call Saul” (AMC)
  • “The Crown” (Netflix)
  • “The Handmaid’s Tale” (Hulu)
  • “House of Cards” (Netflix)
  • “Stranger Things” (Netflix)
  • “This Is Us” (NBC)
  • “Westworld” (HBO)

Outstanding limited series

  • “Big Little Lies” (HBO)
  • “Fargo” (FX)
  • “Feud: Bette and Joan” (FX)
  • “Genius” (National Geographic)
  • “The Night Of” (HBO)

Outstanding TV movie

  • “Black Mirror: San Junipero” (Netflix)
  • “Dolly Parton’s Christmas Of Many Colors: Circle Of Love” (NBC)
  • “The Immortal Life Of Henrietta Lacks” (HBO)
  • “Sherlock: The Lying Detective (Masterpiece)” (PBS)
  • “The Wizard Of Lies” (HBO)

Outstanding variety special

  • “Carpool Karaoke Primetime Special 2017” (CBS)
  • “Full Frontal With Samantha Bee Presents Not The White House Correspondents’ Dinner” (TBS)
  • “Louis C.K. 2017” (Netflix)
  • “Sarah Silverman: A Speck of Dust” (Netflix)
  • “Stephen Colbert’s Live Election Night Democracy’s Series Finale” (Showtime)

Outstanding lead actress in a comedy series

  • Pamela Adlon (“Better Things”)
  • Jane Fonda (“Grace and Frankie”)
  • Allison Janney (“Mom”)
  • Julia Louis-Dreyfus (“Veep”)
  • Ellie Kemper (“Unbreakable Kimmy Schmidt”)
  • Tracee Ellis Ross (“Black-ish”)
  • Lily Tomlin (“Grace and Frankie”)

Outstanding lead actor in a comedy series

  • Anthony Anderson (“Black-ish”)
  • Aziz Ansari (“Master of None”)
  • Zach Galifianakis, (“Baskets”)
  • Donald Glover (“Atlanta”)
  • William H. Macy (“Shameless”)
  • Jeffrey Tambor (“Transparent”)

Outstanding lead actress in a drama series

  • Viola Davis (“How to Get Away with Murder”)
  • Claire Foy (“The Crown”)
  • Elisabeth Moss (“The Handmaid’s Tale”)
  • Keri Russell (“The Americans”)
  • Evan Rachel Wood (“Westworld”)
  • Robin Wright (“House of Cards”)

Outstanding lead actor in a drama series

  • Sterling K. Brown (“This Is Us”)
  • Anthony Hopkins (“Westworld”)
  • Bob Odenkirk (“Better Call Saul”)
  • Matthew Rhys (“The Americans”)
  • Liev Schreiber (“Ray Donovan”)
  • Kevin Spacey (“House of Cards”)
  • Milo Ventimiglia (“This Is Us”)

Outstanding lead actress in a limited series or movie

  • Carrie Coon (“Fargo”)
  • Felicity Huffman (“American Crime”)
  • Jessica Lange (“Feud: Bette and Joan”)
  • Nicole Kidman (“Big Little Lies”)
  • Susan Sarandon (“Feud: Bette and Joan”)
  • Reese Witherspoon (“Big Little Lies”)

Outstanding lead actor in a limited series or movie

  • Riz Ahmed (“The Night Of”)
  • Benedict Cumberbatch (“Sherlock: The Lying Detective”)
  • Robert De Niro (“The Wizard of Lies”)
  • Ewan McGregor (“Fargo”)
  • Geoffrey Rush (“Genius”)
  • John Turturro (“The Night Of”)

Outstanding supporting actor in a limited series or movie

  • Bill Camp (“The Night Of”)
  • Alfred Molina (“Feud: Bette and Joan”)
  • Alexander Skarsgård (“Big Little Lies”)
  • David Thewlis (“Fargo”)
  • Stanley Tucci (“Feud: Bette and Joan”)
  • Michael K. Williams (“The Night Of”)

Outstanding supporting actor in a limited series or movie

  • Judy Davis (“Feud: Bette and Joan”)
  • Laura Dern (“Big Little Lies”)
  • Jackie Hoffman (“Feud: Bette and Joan”)
  • Regina King (“American Crime”)
  • Michelle Pfeiffer (“The Wizard of Lies”)
  • Shailene Woodley (“Big Little Lies”)

Outstanding variety talk series

  • “Full Frontal With Samantha Bee” (TBS)
  • “Jimmy Kimmel Live!” (ABC)
  • “Last Week Tonight With John Oliver” (HBO)
  • “The Late Late Show With James Corden” (CBS)
  • “Real Time With Bill Maher” (HBO)
  • “The Late Show With Stephen Colbert” (CBS)

Outstanding reality competition series

  • “The Amazing Race” (CBS)
  • “American Ninja Warrior” (NBC)
  • “Project Runway” (Lifetime)
  • “RuPaul’s Drag Race” (VH1)
  • “Top Chef” (Bravo)
  • “The Voice” (NBC)

Outstanding variety sketch series

  • “Billy On The Street” (truTV)
  • “Documentary Now!” (IFC)
  • “Drunk History” (Comedy Central)
  • “Portlandia” (IFC)
  • “Saturday Night Live” (NBC)
  • “Tracey Ullman’s Show” (HBO)

Outstanding directing in a comedy series

  • Donald Glover (“Atlanta”)
  • Jamie Babbit (“Silicon Valley”)
  • Mike Judge (“Silicon Valley”)
  • Morgan Sackett (“Veep”)
  • David Mandel (“Veep”)
  • Dale Stern (“Veep”)

Outstanding directing in a drama series

  • Vince Gilligan (“Better Call Saul”)
  • Stephen Daldry (“The Crown”)
  • Reed Morano (“The Handmaid’s Tale”)
  • Kate Dennis (“The Handmaid’s Tale”)
  • Lesli Linka Glatter (“Homeland”)
  • The Duffer Brothers (“Stranger Things”)
  • Jonathan Nolan (“Westworld”)

Outstanding directing in a limited series or movie

  • Jean-Marc Vallee (“Big Little Lies”)
  • Noah Hawley (“Fargo”)
  • Ryan Murphy (“Feud: Bette & Joan”)
  • Ron Howard (“Genius”)
  • James Marsh (“The Night Of”)
  • Steve Zaillian (“The Night Of”)

Outstanding directing in a variety series

  • Derek Waters & Jeremy Konner (“Drunk History”)
  • Andy Fisher (Jimmy Kimmel Live”)
  • Paul Pennolino (“Last Week Tonight With John Oliver”)
  • Jim Hoskinson (“The Late Show With Stephen Colbert”)
  • Don Roy King (“Saturday Night Live”)

Outstanding writing in a comedy series

  • Donald Glover (“Atlanta”)
  • Stephen Glover (“Atlanta”)
  • Aziz Ansari and Lena Waithe (“Master of None”)
  • Alec Berg (“Silicon Valley”)
  • Billy Kimball (“Veep”)
  • David Mandel (“Veep”)

Outstanding writing in a drama series

  • Joe Weisberg, Joel Fields (“The Americans”)
  • Gordon Smith (“Better Call Saul”)
  • Peter Morgan (“The Crown”)
  • Bruce Miller (“The Handmaid’s Tale”)
  • The Duffer Brothers (“Stranger Things”)
  • Lisa Joy and Jonathan Nolan (“Westworld”)

Outstanding writing in a limited series or movie

  • David E. Kelley (“Big Little Lies”)
  • Charlie Brooker (“Black Mirror: San Junipero”)
  • Noah Hawley (“Fargo”)
  • Ryan Murphy (“Feud: Bette and Joan”)
  • Jaffe Cohen, Michael Zam and Ryan Murphy (“Feud: Bette and Joan”)
  • Richard Price and Steven Zaillian (“The Night Of”)

Outstanding writing in a variety series

  • “Full Frontal With Samantha Bee”
  • “Last Week Tonight With John Oliver”
  • “Late Night With Seth Meyers”
  • “The Late Show With Stephen Colbert”
  • “Saturday Night Live”

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'We Shall Not Be Moved': A New Opera Traces The Legacy Of The 1985 MOVE Bombing

The opera We Shall Not Be Moved revisits the story of the 1985 bombing of the MOVE house in Philadelphia, and that tragedy’s impact on Philadelphia’s youth. Shown here: Actors portraying the ghosts that inhabit the site of the bombing surround character Un/Sung (Lauren Whitehead, center).

Dave DiRentis /Opera Philadelphia

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Dave DiRentis /Opera Philadelphia

We Shall Not Be Moved is a new opera that takes its name from both the old spiritual-turned-civil-rights anthem and the Philadelphia black liberation group, MOVE. That group might be best-remembered for a 1985 tragedy: A police helicopter bombed the MOVE house, and the resulting fire killed 11 people and destroyed 62 homes in the neighborhood.

The opera, presented by Opera Philadelphia with the Apollo Theater, had its world premiere Sept. 16. It revisits that house and its ghosts, while remaining centered on stories about young people in Philadelphia today.

Librettist Marc Bamuthi Joseph says that even though the events of the MOVE bombing happened more than 32 years ago, they still haunt the citizens of Philadelphia.

“I’ve heard one person say that the bombing of the MOVE house was like a Sept. 11 event for, you know, people in the city of Philly,” he says, “that they’ll always remember where they were, and they experienced a collective trauma.”

So, he and his collaborators — composer Daniel Bernard Roumain and director and choreographer Bill T. Jones — tread carefully. They were inspired by poems created through a teen workshop sponsored by Opera Philadelphia and a local non-profit. And they cast New York spoken word artist Lauren Whitehead as a 15-year-old girl who leads a group of young men whose school has been closed due to budget cuts.

“She arrives at school one day and the doors are locked,” Whitehead explains. “She convinces her brothers that instead of going to the other school where they’ve been assigned, that they should, sort of, squat in the bombed-out shell of a home on Osage Avenue. And she really begins to believe that she’s getting lessons from ghosts while she is there.”

They are the ghosts of the children killed in the MOVE bombing.

Roumain says he drew on everything from Bach to Gladys Knight to Eminem while composing We Shall Not Be Moved.

The Family Stand, from top left: John Henry (Aubrey Allicock), Un/Sung (Lauren Whitehead), John Blue (John Holiday), John Little (Daniel Shirley) and John Mack (Adam Richardson).

Dave DiRentis/Opera Philadelphia

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Dave DiRentis/Opera Philadelphia

“The musical material for the opera, actually, in many ways, began with thinking about Little Richard and even blues music,” he says, “just thinking about three notes, three chords: Can I write an entire opera based on three chords, and not as Wagnerian motif, but really more as this notion of the blues?”

It also draws on R&B – but it doesn’t sacrifice the influence of traditional opera.

“Glenda, our truancy officer, a wonderful mezzo, is our opera singer,” Roumain says. “I think every opera has to have one.”

We Shall Not Be Moved also features movement created by legendary choreographer Bill T. Jones. Jones, like the rest of his collaborators, is not from Philadelphia. But he says what happened in 1985 still resonates beyond the city limits.

“‘What you thought was dead is very much alive,'” he says, quoting lyrics from the opera.

“Is that true that there’s a silence in Philly around it?” he says, “Are we picking a fight where there is no fight? Have the wounds not healed? Have they?”

But Whitehead says the opera is very much about the lost children of today.

West Philly cop Glenda (Kirsten Chávez) asks Un/Sung (Lauren Whitehead) why she and her brothers are not in school.

Dave DiRentis /Opera Philadelphia

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Dave DiRentis /Opera Philadelphia

“They just wanted to go to school and school failed them,” Whitehead says. “Their parents failed them. The police presence in their community failed them. Every institution, everywhere they turned, failed them. And that’s the heartbreaking thing about this opera, I think, is that, you know, it’s a true American story of kids who have nothing but each other, and the trouble that that can get them into.”

It’s a different kind of opera, presented in a different way, says Joseph.

“I don’t know how many world premiere operas have been written by a black man, composed by a black man and directed by a black man,” he says. “But that’s what we have. That, in and of itself, is shaking up the aesthetic framework of what an opera is supposed to be.”

Joseph adds that to “delve into the politics and to ask the questions that we do” also makes the opera stand out.

We Shall Not Be Moved will be asking those questions to sold-out audiences in Philadelphia before it moves on to New York.

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Some Analysts Say Time May Be Right For A Rethink On North Korean Nuclear Crisis

People at the Seoul Railway Station in the South Korean capital watch a TV report on North Korea’s missile launch on Friday, days after the U.N. Security Council adopted new sanctions against Pyongyang.

Chung Sung-Jun/Getty Images

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Chung Sung-Jun/Getty Images

North Korea test-launched another missile Friday that arced over northern Japan and into the Pacific, showing its progress toward being able to strike the U.S. and signaling its defiance of U.N. sanctions imposed after its sixth, and most recent, nuclear test earlier this month.

“The world will never accept a nuclear-armed North Korea,” U.S. Ambassador Nikki Haley told the U.N., after the sanctions passed the Security Council on Monday. She added: “If the North Korean regime does not halt its nuclear program, we will act to stop it ourselves.”

But some analysts believe that this approach to the North Korean nuclear crises is dangerously deluded.

A decade or so ago, it still may have been possible to use sanctions or the threat of military force to compel North Korea to give up its nuclear programs, argues Zhao Chu, an independent, Shanghai-based analyst, former soldier and former editor of World Outlook, a foreign affairs magazine.

But Zhao warns that the situation has now fundamentally changed, and that trying to fly through a window of opportunity that has already closed is a very bad idea. Pyongyang can hardly be expected to give up the nuclear ace in the hole that it worked so long to acquire.

Then again, perhaps the window of opportunity for military action was never open, argues Lyle Goldstein, an associate professor in the Strategic Research Department at the U.S. Naval War College in Newport, Rhode Island. This is because the South Korean capital, “Seoul was always so vulnerable” to North Korean conventional artillery attacks, which could cause mass casualties.

Analysts say North Korea looked at the fate of other authoritarian regimes, particularly Libya under Moammar Gadhafi and Iraq under Saddam Hussein, and concluded that their lack of nuclear weapons left them vulnerable to being toppled by the U.S. and its allies.

Pyongyang now believes — correctly or not — that, by acquiring the ability to carry out a nuclear strike against the U.S., it has taken a crucial step toward assuring its own survival.

“You could credit the Kim regime with taking regime change off the table,” says the U.S. Naval War College’s Goldstein.

Another way of looking at it is that North Korea has now gained a valuable bargaining chip. And while it is unlikely to give it away for nothing, it may be willing to trade it for some sort of security guarantee, or some form of payment, whether in food or energy.

A grimmer possibility, of course, is that it might just sell it to raise much-needed cash.

Here, Goldstein sees an opportunity to strike a bargain with North Korea to resolve the crisis. He says that years of using all sticks and no carrots have not yielded the required results, and it’s time for some creative thinking.

Goldstein rejects the idea that the only way to improve North Korea is through regime change. “There are plenty of obnoxious regimes around the world,” he says, “and more than a few are allies of the United States.”

The mainstream argument against negotiating with North Korea, says Goldstein, is that you can’t reward bad behavior.

“But that’s more appropriate to dealing with school children than nations in the nuclear era,” he says.

Goldstein and other advocates of making a deal with North Korea point to a 1994 bargain reached during the Clinton administration, and known as the “Agreed Framework.”

Its opponents say the bargain’s eventual collapse shows that North Korea can’t be trusted to keep its word. Its proponents, including Goldstein, say that the U.S. shares some of the blame for the deal’s ultimate failure.

When not threatening to unleash “fire and fury,” as President Trump put it, on Pyongyang, the U.S. has also stated it is “interested in finding a way to get to a dialogue,” in the words of Secretary Of State Rex Tillerson.

President Trump has even said, Goldstein notes, that “he would sit down and have a burger with Kim.”

Goldstein agrees with Zhao that cooperation with China is crucial to resolving the issue: “It’s well past time to try new approaches, and that means,” he says, that the US should be “following China’s lead.”

He says the U.S. should consider China’s suggestion to halt military exercises with South Korea, in exchange for North Korea freezing its nuclear and missile tests.

He even suggests that Russia or China could send troops to North Korea to provide a security guarantee that might help to convince Pyongyang it doesn’t need nukes.

Goldstein admits that mainstream analysts often accuse him of going too far in appeasing or accommodating China. But he says accusations of the sort leveled at him are “injurious to careful thinking about interests and about how we find peaceful solutions to these problems.”

Independent analyst Zhao Chu, meanwhile, is less sanguine about the prospect of talking Pyongyang out of its nukes.

Zhao argues that Washington and Beijing’s failure to cooperate on the North Korean nuclear crisis has given Pyongyang the time and space it needs to achieve its nuclear ambitions.

Part of the problem, he says, is that the U.S has outsourced the North Korea problem to China, expecting Beijing to solve it by sanctioning Pyongyang.

But Beijing will not implement sanctions so severe that they cripple Pyongyang, Zhao says. This is because Beijing “will not allow what it understands to be a dispute between the U.S. and North Korea to become a dispute between North Korea and China.”

Another problem is that Chinese and Americans who see each other as their main security threat both see North Korea as, if not a physical buffer, at least a useful trap, hindrance or distraction for their rival, in a zero-sum game.

Domestic critics, including Zhao, also have argued that Beijing’s simultaneous efforts to keep relations with Washington and Pyongyang from falling apart are becoming increasingly untenable.

Publicly, the U.S. and China both say they want the same thing: a nuclear-free Korean Peninsula. The difference, though, Zhao says, is that the U.S. is not averse to regime change in Pyongyang, if it eliminates the nuclear threat. But that regime change is unacceptable to Beijing. Conversely, Beijing would rather have a stable, nuclear-armed neighbor than a nuclear-free but hostile regime on its doorstep.

“I think we should take a pragmatic attitude and tolerate a nuclear North Korea,” Zhao concludes. “Why did the U.S. and China tolerate India and Pakistan going nuclear? Because they had no better options.”

All that’s left to do, Zhao says, is to try to prevent North Korea from proliferating nuclear technology, help it to avoid nuclear accidents, and set up unofficial dialogues to get scholars, if not officials, discussing possible solutions.

Indeed, China’s government realizes that North Korea’s nuclear disarmament is no longer an option in the near term, Zhao argues. It has therefore signaled in its public statements that for now, its top priority is to prevent the outbreak of war on the Korean Peninsula, or as the government puts it, to prevent “chaos on our doorstep.”

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ESPN Flap Shows People Can't Even Agree On What They're Arguing Over In Trump Era

Jemele Hill, co-host of ESPN’s SC6, speaking on a panel last year. Hill has landed in hot water for calling President Trump a “white supremacist.” She’s got her critics and lots of supporters.

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D Dipasupil/Getty Images for Advertising Week New York

Race is again proving to be the sharpest dividing line of the Trump era.

This week, President Trump and conservatives went after ESPN, the cable sports network, for comments made by Jemele Hill, who hosts of one of the flagship SportsCenter shows.

It all started on Monday when Hill, who is black, tweeted in reply to someone else: “Donald Trump is a white supremacist who has largely surrounded himself w/ other white supremacists.”

Donald Trump is a white supremacist who has largely surrounded himself w/ other white supremacists.

— Jemele Hill (@jemelehill) September 11, 2017

White House Press Secretary Sarah Huckabee Sanders called Hill’s comment a “fireable offense.”

Then, Trump himself weighed in on Twitter, calling on ESPN to “apologize for untruth” and claiming the network “is paying a really big price for its politics (and bad programming). People are dumping it in RECORD numbers.”

ESPN is paying a really big price for its politics (and bad programming). People are dumping it in RECORD numbers. Apologize for untruth!

— Donald J. Trump (@realDonaldTrump) September 15, 2017

There’s evidence that ESPN is not losing subscribers because of its politics. And it is very unusual for a White House to use the bully pulpit to call for the firing of someone at a private company because that person said something it didn’t like. (An anti-Trump Super PAC has brought an ethics complaint against Sanders, citing federal law that states executive branch employees cannot act “with the intent to influence, solely on the basis of partisan political affiliation, an employment decision or employment practice of any private entity.”)

But conservatives and some journalists even within the network have been unsettled by what they see as an increasingly liberal bent from the network’s commentators without balancing their perspectives.

Hill, who plays a dual role of host and commentator, has not been fired or suspended for her tweets. (In other tweets, she called Trump a bigot, who is “unqualified” and “unfit” to be president.)

The network said Hill’s comments were inappropriate and that it had talked to her. Hill put out a statement via Twitter apologizing — not for the content of the tweets — but for them being seen as a reflection of ESPN.

So, to address the elephant in the room … #Factspic.twitter.com/RTrIDD87ut

— Jemele Hill (@jemelehill) September 14, 2017

The network’s public editor, Jim Brady, wrote Friday that he thought the tweets were ill considered. For those who believe Twitter and the broadcast are separate, Brady points out that ESPN doesn’t view it that way. Like at other networks, public-facing employees’ Twitter feeds are considered reflective of the company they work for. And plenty of people have been fired for inflammatory comments on the medium.

The irony isn’t lost that the president is one person who hasn’t been punished for his own incendiary tweets.

Lacking ‘diversity of thought’?

Brady sees what happened as a bigger problem at ESPN. “If you consume as much of ESPN’s content as I have for the past 22 months, it seems clear the company leans left,” he added. “I don’t think anyone ever made an executive decision to go that route as much as the personalities the network has promoted into high-profile positions tend to be more liberal, and as their voices are amplified, the overall voice has shifted with it.”

ESPN veteran Bob Ley, host of the vaunted Outside the Lines program, told Brady in December, when Brady was exploring how ESPN was trying to adapt to current social and political upheaval, “We’ve done a great job of diversity. But the one place we have miles to go is diversity of thought.”

Not too long ago, ESPN was facing criticism for its lack of diversity. There weren’t very many female anchors or people of color in front of the camera. And there certainly weren’t many black women on the air in prominent positions.

So the network set out to change that. Hill’s show, SC6, also known on the network as The Six, was part of that change. She hosts the show with Michael Smith, a former Boston Globe reporter, who is also black.

The show is different — intentionally so. It’s not the standard SportsCenter of highlights mixed in with anchor quips. Smith and Hill have a natural chemistry, express their opinions and mix in pop culture. That’s what ESPN wanted, and it knew what it was getting with Hill. She’s not someone in the traditional journalism mold; she has opinions, writes about them and expresses them on air sometimes while questioning professional athletes on her program or reacting to what she just heard.

She’s never shied away from sharing her perspectives. And, yes, that includes on race. That’s also gotten her in trouble before. ESPN suspended her in 2008 for writing that “rooting for the Celtics is like saying Hitler was a victim. It’s like hoping Gorbachev would get to the blinking red button before Reagan.”

Hill, a Detroit native, wrote of her hatred of Boston: “Admittedly, to some degree it was about race. Detroit is 80 percent African-American, and as my colleague J.A. Adande stated in a fantastic piece on the Celtics earlier this season, the mostly white Celtics teams of the past had a tough time being accepted by black audiences. Boston was viewed by African-Americans as a racially intolerant city.”

She apologized then, writing, “I let you down. Just because I’m a black woman doesn’t mean I’ve got an automatic sensitivity chip for cultures outside of my own. Just because I’ve written extensively about race doesn’t render me incapable of making the same mistakes as the people I’ve written about.”

Almost a decade later, Hill is in hot water again for expressing a view felt by others, especially African Americans.

Double standards

Conservatives, though, see the seeming slap on the wrist for Hill in this latest controversy as a double standard. They point to, as one example of ESPN’s inconsistency, Curt Schilling. The former Red Sox pitcher was fired last year as an analyst at ESPN for social media comments he made against transgender people.

“A man is a man no matter what they call themselves,” Schilling wrote. “I don’t care what they are, who they sleep with, the men’s room was designed for penis, women’s not so much. Now you need laws telling us differently? Pathetic.”

That was accompanied by a meme showing an overweight man dressed in women’s clothing, a wig and a shirt that showed his chest with the words: “LET HIM IN! to the restroom with your daughter or else you’re a narrow-minded, judgmental, unloving racist bigot who needs to die.”

ESPN responded in that case by saying it was an “inclusive company” and fired Schilling.

“Let’s be very clear about something, Jemele Hill has always been a racist,” Schilling said Wednesday on Sean Hannity’s radio show, “the things that she says, the things that she does. I don’t have a problem with the fact that Jemele Hill is racist, that Bomani Jones is racist, and Colin Kaepernick knelt for a lie, and that Disney and ESPN, who they own, supports liberal racism.”

Smith, Hill’s co-host, sees a different double standard — that he feels there’s a higher bar for a show like theirs that is unafraid to be black, as compared to other white colleagues who’ve also tried to break the mold in different ways.

“When Bill Simmons does it, he’s celebrated for it,” Smith told The Ringer. “When [Scott] Van Pelt does it, he’s awesome; he’s everyman; we relate to him. When Barstool does it, they’re anti-establishment; they’re new; they’re fresh; they’re the anti-ESPN. When we do it? ‘Get this black s*** out of here!’That’s what it feels like.”

“Stick to sports”

A common refrain from sports fans is that they’d wish the sports people would stick to sports. Hill rejects that idea.

“When you’re under the leadership of a president that refuses to condemn Nazis and racism, how am I supposed to function the rest of the day and pretend as if I give a s*** about Blake Bortles losing his job?” Hill said during a Sports Illustrated media panel. “That’s the conversation I’m having with myself on daily basis. I know there are sports fans looking for me to provide them with an ‘escape,’ but as a woman and person of color, I have no escape from the fact that there are people in charge who seem to be either sickened by my existence or are intent on erasing my dignity in every possible way. So today, my [Twitter] feed is probably a little edgier than it was. It’s reflective of all the emotion and conflict I feel. I think others feel the same way.”

She also points to coaches, like the San Antonio Spurs’ Gregg Popovich, who is white and has been open about his antipathy for Trump, as well as black athletes, who have used their prominence to protest — from LeBron James and Colin Kaepernick to Muhammad Ali.

Thanks to @TheRoot for this video profile, which was filmed a couple weeks ago. Full interview can be found on the website. pic.twitter.com/FogfEhrnRk

— Jemele Hill (@jemelehill) September 16, 2017

“This idea that sports has always been devoid of politics is a lie,” Hill says in a video on The Root. “The same person that will tell me to ‘stick to sports’ will also say Muhammad Ali was a great sports figure. What’s the difference? The difference is now you know Muhammad Ali is right.”

Support for Hill in the Trump era

There’s been significant backlash, but believing she’s “right” is one reason Hill has gotten so much support on social media. Here are just a few tweets, for example, compiled by black-interest magazine Vibe:

We are with you @jemelehill ✊🏾

— Colin Kaepernick (@Kaepernick7) September 13, 2017

I’m glad to see Black men and White folks standing up for Jemele Hill. It should always be this way. Keep going!

— Jamilah Lemieux (@JamilahLemieux) September 13, 2017

The
Fact
That
Jemele
Hill
Got
In
Trouble
For
Calling
Out
White
Supremacy
PROVES
The
Problem
With
White
Supremacy

— Tariq Nasheed (@tariqnasheed) September 13, 2017

The controversy has spurred supportive columns, too, from:

The Guardian: “Is it wrong to call Trump a white supremacist?”

Cosmopolitan: “Jemele Hill Called Donald Trump a White Supremacist. Where’s the Lie?”

The Chicago Tribune: “As Trump seethes over ESPN anchor’s tweet, a movement breathes to life.”

Erik Wemple at The Washington Post ran down a list of “just a few of the examples of our president’s refusal to apologize when confronted with his racism and bigotry.”

And Trump himself stepped back into controversy on race this week by doubling down on his Charlottesville comments.

“I think especially in light of the advent of antifa, if you look at what’s going on there, you know, you have some pretty bad dudes on the other side also,” Trump told reporters on Air Force One of an anti-fascist movement that has at times resorted to violent tactics against white supremacists. “And essentially that’s what I said.”

Trump added this defense: “Now because of what’s happened since then, with antifa, you look at, you know, really what’s happened since Charlottesville — a lot of people are saying — in fact, a lot of people have actually written, ‘Gee, Trump might have a point.’ I said, ‘You got some very bad people on the other side also,’ which is true.”

While Trump has condemned white supremacists and the KKK, he’s also been criticized for attempting to create a moral equivalency between white-power groups and protest groups on the left.

Remarkably, Trump’s latest comments came in response to a question about his meeting with Tim Scott, the only black Republican in the U.S. Senate. Scott had been hotly critical of Trump’s Charlottesville response and had requested a meeting hoping a one-on-one appeal could bridge a divide with Trump.

That’s where the U.S. is right now – a country split when it comes to perceptions of race and usually along racial and, increasingly, political lines. An NPR/PBS NewsHour/Marist poll found a majority didn’t think Trump’s response to Charlottesville was strong enough, but there was a sharp political divide — almost three-quarters of Democrats thought Trump’s response was not strong enough, while a strong majority of Republicans thought it was strong enough.

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That partisan divide was equally pronounced when it came to views of race relations more broadly. Again, nearly three-quarters of Democrats thought race relations had worsened in the past year and just a third of Republicans thought so.

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The “post-racial America” some touted when Obama was elected was always a myth. To become the first black president — and to be reelected — Obama had to walk a delicate line on race. Some black thinkers and writers weren’t always happy with him because of that, and conservatives were rankled by his responses to the spate of police shootings of black men in his latter years.

In a country changing demographically, race relations moved to the front burner during the Obama era — and the pot boiled over with Trump’s election.

Jemele Hill is just the latest example. Expect more of it during the rest of the Trump years.

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Trump And Seoul Talk 'Rocket Man,' Vowing More Pressure On North Korea

A South Korean soldier watches a TV local news program Saturday depicting North Korean leader Kim Jong Un.

Ahn Young-joon/AP

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Ahn Young-joon/AP

For just under half an hour Saturday night, President Trump and his South Korean counterpart, Moon Jae-in, tackled the missile threat looming from Pyongyang. The pair of leaders condemned North Korea’s recent ballistic missile test — and once more vowed to strengthen their joint defenses and ratchet up economic pressure on Kim Jong Un still further.

Trump asked Moon “how Rocket Man is doing” — as the U.S. president put it in a Sunday morning tweet — and took note of the “long gas lines forming in North Korea,” presumably as a result of the stricter sanctions recently implemented.

I spoke with President Moon of South Korea last night. Asked him how Rocket Man is doing. Long gas lines forming in North Korea. Too bad!

— Donald J. Trump (@realDonaldTrump) September 17, 2017

Just days ago, the North sailed a ballistic missile over the northern Japanese island of Hokkaido for the second time in three weeks. The new launch — Pyongyang’s fifteenth missile test this year and its first since testing its most powerful nuclear weapon yet — immediately drew a raft of international condemnations.

After their conversation Saturday night, Trump and Moon declared their commitment “to continuing to take steps to strengthen deterrence and defense capabilities and to maximize economic and diplomatic pressure on North Korea,” according to the White House. “The two leaders noted that they will continue their close consultations next week when they meet on the margins of the United Nations General Assembly.”

That round of meetings next week will mark Trump’s first address to the large international body. And it’s expected that the agenda will feature a heavy dose of talks about North Korea, which the U.N. Security Council unanimously slapped with a new set of sanctions earlier this month over its nuclear program.

Those sanctions went after North Korea’s oil and textile industries, seeking to deal a severe economic blow by significantly cutting the number of imports other countries would receive from the North.

Still, they were less harsh than those initially proposed by the U.S. — and Nikki Haley, the U.S. ambassador to the U.N., spoke ominously of the possible failures of diplomacy.

“We have pretty much exhausted all the things that we can do at the Security Council at this point,” Haley told CNN on Sunday morning. “Now … I’m perfectly happy kicking this over to [Secretary of Defense] Gen. Mattis, because he has plenty of military options.”

“If North Korea keeps on with this reckless behavior, if the United States has to defend itself or defend its allies in any way, North Korea will be destroyed — and we all know that,” Haley added.

“And none of us want that. None of us want war.”

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The Juggalos Marched: Scenes From The Rally

People gather at the Lincoln Memorial in Washington, D.C., for Saturday's Juggalo March.

In 2011, the Justice Department classified Juggalos — fans of the Michigan-born rap duo Insane Clown Posse — as gang members, writing that “Crimes committed by Juggalos are sporadic, disorganized, individualistic, and often involve simple assault, personal drug use and possession, petty theft, and vandalism.”

Juggalo March on D.C.

  • People gather at the Lincoln Memorial in Washington, D.C., for Saturday’s Juggalo March.

    Logan Werlinger for NPR

  • A Juggalo helps collect trash during at the Lincoln Memorial in Washington, D.C., during Saturday's Juggalo March.

    A Juggalo helps collect trash during at the Lincoln Memorial in Washington, D.C., during Saturday’s Juggalo March.

    Logan Werlinger for NPR

  • Rocko Jenkins shares his tater tots with fellow Juggalos at the Lincoln Memorial in Washington, D.C., during Saturday's event.

    Rocko Jenkins shares his tater tots with fellow Juggalos at the Lincoln Memorial in Washington, D.C., during Saturday’s event.

    Logan Werlinger for NPR

  • Juggalos apply their signature clown make-up.

    Juggalos apply their signature clown make-up.

    Logan Werlinger for NPR

  • A Juggalo nun in the crowd during Saturday's event.

    A Juggalo nun in the crowd during Saturday’s event.

    Logan Werlinger for NPR

  • Juggalos brought their families to participate in Saturday's event. Here, the assembly marches following an afternoon of performances and speeches.

    Juggalos brought their families to participate in Saturday’s event. Here, the assembly marches following an afternoon of performances and speeches.

    Logan Werlinger for NPR

  • Juggalos marching away from the Lincoln Memorial in Washington, D.C., for Saturday's Juggalo March.

    Juggalos marching away from the Lincoln Memorial in Washington, D.C., for Saturday’s Juggalo March.

    Logan Werlinger for NPR

  • Violent J (left, center) and Shaggy 2 Dope (right) of Insane Clown Posse address the crowd at the Lincoln Memorial in Washington, D.C., at Saturday's Juggalo March.

    Violent J (left, center) and Shaggy 2 Dope (right) of Insane Clown Posse address the crowd at the Lincoln Memorial in Washington, D.C., at Saturday’s Juggalo March.

    Logan Werlinger for NPR

  • Trina Mason, from St Augustine Fla., holds up her

    Trina Mason, from St Augustine Fla., holds up her “Hatchetman” cut-out sign in Washington, D.C., during Saturday’s Juggalo March. She’s there to show her support for Psychopathic Records. “It’s there to save lives — it’s therapy as music.”

    Logan Werlinger for NPR

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Yesterday, the Juggalos took to the National Mall in Washington, D.C. to protest the classification, holding a day-long rally to argue that they are a family, not a gang. Members of this subculture, who look to each other for support and a sense of belonging, watched speeches — peppered by the signature Juggalo cry of “whoop whoop” — and performances before marching near the Lincoln Memorial. (Photographs by Logan Werlinger for NPR.)

Find our coverage of the Juggalo March here, and find an explainer of the subculture here.

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